Vowel reduction in Germanic, a cross-linguistic overview of the facts; reduction as feature loss; reduction and halfway-reduction in Russian; problems and advantages of an account in terms of faithfulness to the head for Dutch.
Note: The contrast between *tp, *tk and sp, sk, sonorant-p, sonorant-k indicated that t(/d) cannot be treated on a par with sonorants/s, underscoring the independence of (i), (ii) in Ib above.
It is hard to see how these factors could possibly be taken into account within the present form of generative grammar; presumably, this is the reason why they are usually ignored. We will not go into these factors either. Other factors that we will take into account:
|less formal style||[fòn@loGí]|
|Reduces in||Weak position||Semi-weak position|
If schwa is an empty vowel, reduction to schwa obviously means feature loss.The question is: why do vowels loose features?
Two possible answers:
I advocate the former option; the second has been proposed by John Alderete and will be discussed below.
My analysis centers around the following violable constraint:
PROJECT(V,Ft): a vowel dat dominates a vocalic feature should be the head of a foot
In essence, this constraints states that only schwa is legitimate outside the head position. In this analysis, as in all others, stress is therefore taken as the crucial factor in reduction.
Given two strings S1 and S2, correspondence is a relation R from the elements of S1 to those of S2. Segments a E S1 and B E S2 are referred to as correspondents of one another when ARB.
Every segment of S1 has a correspondent in S2.
Every segment of S2 has a correspondent in S1.
Correspondents segments agree in the value for feature F. If ARB and A is [gF] then B is [gF].
Every segment contained in a prosodic head in S2 has a correspondent in S1. If B is contained in a prosodic head in S2, then B E Range(R).
In the Mississippi Valley Siouan language Dakota, stress regularly falls on the second syllable from the beginning of the word. Epenthesis into the second syllable, however, for the purpose of syllabifying certain root-final consonants as onsets, creates exceptions to canonical second syllable stress.
chi-kté `I kill you' ma-yá-kte `you kill me' wichá-kte `you kill them' o-wícha-ya-kte `you kill them there'
/Cek/->[Céka] `stagger' /khuS/-> [khúza] `lazy'
In Russian, it appears that vowel reduction to low vowels, /stol-á/ -> stal-á, only occurs in the syllable directly preceding the stressed syllable (the pre-tonic syllable henceforth). All vowels reduce to [@] in unstressed, non pre-tonic syllables.
Nom. Sg. stól slóv-o Gen. stal-á slóv-a Dat. stal-ú slóv-u Instr. stal-óm slóv-om Loc. stal-é slóv-e
Nom. Pl. stal-ý slav-á Gen. stal-óf slóv Dat. stal-ám sl&av-ám Instr. stal-ámi slav-ámi Loc. stal-áx slav-áx 'table' 'word'
v[ó]d@j nom. pl. v[a]d-á nom. sing. v[@]davóz 'water carrier'
z[a]vót 'winding mechanism' z[@]vadít 'to bring, wind up'
sk@v[a]rót gen. pl. 'frying pan' sk@v[@]radá nom. sing.